Abstract‍

The geopolitical landscape is observing a massive lack of diplomatic conflict-resolution mechanisms. All the great powers have or are engaging in acts of war, expansion, and increasing antagonization of one another. In addition, several developing countries are violating international norms and laws. In contrast to this trend, Mexico has engaged foreign policy in a way that displays the effective use of soft power and conflict-resolution mechanisms. This has allowed Mexico to grow in a way that does not compromise its engagement with international law. 

In a world of increasing geopolitical chaos, Mexico has sought to forge foreign policy grounded in the concept of equilibrio — strategic balance that wields Mexican labor, culture, geography, and diaspora networks as instruments of soft power without compromising its autonomy. Mexico is able to position itself as a key but silent player in international relations by viewing these four areas as diplomatic currency. This paper will analyze why these key categories increase Mexican autonomy and offer a blueprint for other emerging powers amidst a fractured world order. Not only does this paper examine the mentioned topics, but it will also analyze how Mexico acts as a stabilizing force in the world. 

What is “equilibrio”?

Equilibrio is the direct Spanish translation for “equilibrium.” Equilibrium, in the context of Mexican foreign policy, is indirectly but firmly embedded in the Estrada Doctrine. The  doctrine was formulated and enforced from 1930 onwards, which uniquely mandates that Mexico does not “recognize” the governments or changes thereof in regards to different countries (Ojeda 1986). The reason this became a diplomatic method is because Mexico City does not feel it is adequate or appropriate to make any formal judgements of the government(s) of a country. This came in light of foreign interventions in Mexico: French attempts to install a monarch in Mexico during the 1860s and intervention in Mexico during the Mexican revolution (1910s) both were recent enough for Mexican foreign policy analysts to have considered this diplomatic approach as a response to the mentioned events. Mexico believes that recognizing a government would imply a breach of sovereignty because it requires Mexico to make a judgement on the internal changes of a state (Sánchez 2016). In other words, Mexican sovereign logic clarifies that the legitimacy of a state is an internal matter and should not be subject to external endorsement or recognition.

 By reframing sovereignty, Mexico is perceived as “fair” or “balanced” in its opinion of other countries, which made Mexico popular in the third world. This moral injection of foreign policy was uniquely hopeful and charitable in the time period it was formulated. The average policy analyst may concern himself with the legislation of statecraft, but the subconscious values we hold —trust, cooperation, and justice — are equally as important in keeping at the forefront of foreign policy. 

Mexican commitments to non-intervention and peaceful conflict-resolution methods are born from this axiom of Mexican foreign policy (Domínguez & Fernández de Castro, 2009). From a strategic point of view, it allowed Mexico to navigate international issues and interests that are free from the constraints otherwise seen in formal alliances. This explains why Mexico condemned Nazi Germany’s annexation of Austria in 1938 (Rojas Aravena, 2004). Mexico’s defense of sovereignty against aggressive countries impeding on others’ internal affairs made Mexico respectable for upholding international law and taking an assertive but diplomatic approach to the matter. 

This  balancing act was reflected in Mexican non-alignment throughout the Cold War. Mexico balanced American pressure and Latin American solidarity by creating the Treaty of Tlatelolco in 1967 (UN 1967). This treaty banned Latin American states from hosting or creating nuclear weapons in the region to promote non-alignment (González, 2010).  It demonstrates Mexico’s commitment to non-intervention but also its desire to limit the militarization of politics between states, the United States, and the Soviet Union  in the region. This embodiment of equilibrio reflects Mexican foreign policy strategy: assertive in upholding sovereignty, committed to regional integration, and seeking non-military means of conflict-resolution.

Mexico’s Post-Cold War Diplomacy

Mexico’s commitment to strategic balance has remained constant since 1930, but Mexican tools of statecraft to maintain that axiom have evolved or increased after the Cold War. Mexico uses four core pillars of soft power —  Mexican labor, strategic geography, cultural influence, and diaspora networks — to balance its national interests while maintaining self-determination (Lajous 2012). 

1. Mexican Labor 

Mexican labor has historically been pivotal to advancing state and economic growth for both Mexico and the United States. The United States has consistently relied on Mexican migrant labor to work in agriculture and construction across the country. Through agreements like the Bracero Program, Mexican workers have helped American war efforts in WWII and during its post-war recovery phase (Durand et. al 2001). This same trend stands to this day, with an increase in Mexican labor in the service sector (Massey 2013). To this end, Mexican labor has been pivotal in creating the economy and populations of both Texas and California —  the United States’s biggest state economies and populations (Wilson & Villareal 2014). 

While Mexican migrant labor is frequently discussed, Mexican labor based in Mexico is often disregarded. Mexico’s domestic labor force is dominant in agriculture and has roughly twice the labor size relative to the United States in industrial production when accounting for labor percentages (Statista 2025; The Global Economy 2025; US Bureau of Labor Statistics 2012). In addition to this, as the United States  has decreased in industrial capabilities, Mexico’s increase in this capacity has only improved (Moreno-Brid & Ros 2009). As Mexican industrial capabilities have grown, their domestic and international (or migrant) labor force have both become globally competitive. In fact, Mexican labor has become more valuable than Chinese labor as it has developed its manufacturing capabilities in technologies and products like vehicles, industrial equipment, and skilled labor (Myers & Jones 2012; NAPS 2025). This explains why Mexico has overtaken China as the United States’ main trading partner since 2023 (Villareal 2023). 

Mexican labor and its broader context of economic development has made Mexico an attractive trading partner for other advanced economies. Germany, Japan, and South Korea commonly export microchips, industrial chemicals, and pesticides to Mexico (JETRO 2023; KOTRA 2023; GTAI 2023). The fact that Mexico has increased economic trade with the biggest economies on technology and industrial equipment demonstrates the diversifying Mexican economy*. Thus, Mexico’s interests in continued innovation remain balanced while allowing it to navigate mutually beneficial policies (Lajous 2012). 

2. Geography/Regional Cooperation

Mexico’s unique position allows the country to enjoy massive influence on trade, security, and regional integration. By the fact that it is neighboring the United States, Mexico serves as a transit and origin hub for trade, migration, and the enforcement of regional security. This advantage means that unlike European or Asian allies of the United States, Mexican strategic neutrality and commitment to diplomatic conflict-resolution shares strong parallels with American security. Mexico therefore is not required to enter a formal alliance with the United States like NATO, even if the Estrada Doctrine did not exist (Malamud & Gardini 2012). 

The Estrada Doctrine and Tlelalcolo Treaty both reinforce mutual respect between Mexico and its southern neighbors. As it is officially neutral, the prospect of interstate war is low, placing international interests on the domestic security of Mexico as a result . The shared transnational threat of cartel violence reinforces the need for Mexican foreign policy to postulate towards cooperation against cartels instead of interstate intervention (Serrano 2020). Although there is a lot of public debate and opinion over this matter, it is imperative that countries formulate independent policy on cartels to experiment with the degree to which military and non-military means in domestic matters can lead to success in decreasing cartel activity (Dudley 2021). For instance, the variety of policy making in El Salvador, Mexico, and the United States  against cartels varies wildly. These states can then record quantitative data to perform  analysis and  determine what policies work best and how they can adopt other national policies to their own domestic issues. Cartels do have significantly different influences from country to country after all —Argentina, Colombia, and Mexico have very different degrees of concern over this issue.

               Going back to the geography of Mexico, its transit and origin status makes international investment over infrastructure particularly important. As it neighbors the United States , cross-border infrastructure has gained a constant amount of investment and wealth into Mexico (Wilson 2011). Cross-border infrastructure with Central America is equally as important to maintain hemispheric trade going to and from North and South America. Water and airports, highways, and other critical infrastructure will always remain vital to trade, ensuring that border states of Mexico see some form of international direct investment (OECD 2017). This extends into tourist infrastructure, as Mexico is an attractive area of tourism from all places across the world. 

‍3. Cultural Influence

The power of culture is oftentimes a neglected tool in conducting foreign policy. From a domestic standpoint, culture is a point of pride and national sentiment and unity. This aspect of a country can translate to literal success in economic, diplomatic, and political aspects (González & Toussaint 2014; Nye 2004). For instance, South Korea’s music industry exploded because of its unique songs and values that circulated in social media. Thus, South Korea was able to enjoy billions in revenue, ensuring Korean relevance in global entertainment (Kim 2011). South Korea’s ability to export its culture allows it to enjoy global support and love, allowing it to ensure strong soft power. 

The same can be applied to Mexico; the colorful cloth, delicious food, and enjoyable music makes Mexico relevant in terms of cultural influence — it is why many audiences immediately think of Mexico when conversations of Hispanic tradition are introduced. This cultural influence keeps Mexico unified in its values and it receives billions in select industries like tourism, entertainment, and food (O’Neil 2019). However, the other benefit of cultural influence is that it allows for Mexico to act as a symbolic and literal bridge between Latin America and the United States. Mexico is part of the Hispanic family, which is something that the rest of the region identifies with. Understanding this shared broad history, values, and struggles naturally makes Mexico a leader in representing the area. This closes the gap between Washington and the rest of the hemisphere. 

This is important because in a world where the United States  and Latin America have divergent perspectives on immigration, human rights, and conflict resolution in international affairs, Mexico serves as a key to help facilitate dialogue. This establishes common ground and understanding between the United States and its southern neighbors (Russell & Tokatlian 2003). It is significant to have cultural understanding to recognize why the hemisphere has different views and interests. This gives Mexico the opportunity to be more proactive in these matters; globalism mandates interstate integration and as a result, mandates deeper understanding of neighboring states (Keohane & Nye 2000). This transparency decreases regional tensions in the aggregate, and it explains why Latin America and Southeast Asia are comparatively more peaceful than other regions in the world (Katzenstein 2005). 

4. Diaspora Networks

 Having diaspora networks are not inherently instruments of a different state in the sense that it is rarely state-directed, but they can be used and promoted to gather international influence and support from a transnational point of view. To explain this, diasporas will be defined, in the context of modern societies, to refer to ethnic groups of migrant origin who have sentimental or material ties to its land of origin (Østergaard-Nielsen 2003). We see popular examples of this with Syrian, Palestinian, Ukrainian, and Haitian diasporic groups in recent times. Although these groups had to migrate, they otherwise maintained strong ties to their origin country through remittances, advocacy, and investment.

As mentioned earlier, Mexican groups are very active in both California and Texas. Mexico enables this because it is in Mexico’s benefit to interact with its diaspora networks. To begin with, remittances contribute to Mexico’s GDP as billions are sent back from the Mexican groups in the United States to Mexican families based across the border. In fact, remittances totaled $60 billion in 2022, which was more money gained to Mexico than oil exports or direct foreign investment (Banco de México 2023). This provides Mexico with significant amounts of money without having to directly invest or control the diaspora networks in the United States. It helps the United States because it incentivizes continued migration of labor in the United States at a comparatively cheap rate; whereas Americans are more focused on service jobs, Mexicans are skilled and able to work in American agriculture and manufacturing sectors (Canales 2011). Overall, businesses and small population states across America benefit while Mexican families also gain access to money it otherwise would not have. 

Mexican diaspora networks also contribute to directly investing and advocating for entrepreneurship in Mexico. Economic development is facilitated by connecting Mexican entrepreneurs to expertise, resources, and knowledge based in the United States. Mexico has launched multiple initiatives and programs that intensify this exchange of ideas and experience to support efforts in Mexican development and the innovation of knowledge and skills (Delano 2011). This is how Mexico’s industrial capabilities have improved in recent decades, which leverage Mexican labor against foreign competition. 

Diaspora networks also help advocate for Mexican national interests on the world stage. This has consistently allowed Mexico to be represented under a positive light in other host countries. For instance, continued advocacy in the United States for favorable trade policies with Mexico help vouch for Mexican policies and benefits under negotiations like the USMCA (Vega & Alba 2020). This can be reflected by recent shifts in immigration and trade opinions in domestic American populations. Whereas President Donald Trump and republicans sought international relations that increased protectionist policies, American voters were opposed to those policies once they were enacted. Protectionist policies would harm the Mexican economy as its exports are tied to the United States, and the country’s tighter immigration policies would strain U.S.-Mexico relations. By making a compelling political case in favor of Mexican-American trade and economic cooperation, Mexico’s image improved significantly. This can also be observed by Ukrainian and Syrian populations in Europe, with advocacy for increased economic and visa support of both states favors Ukraine and Syria (Galmen 2014). We are seeing a similar case with Indian immigration, where Indians in Canada and the United States advocate for increased trade, immigration, and cooperation with India. 

Diasporas can also extend the conversations Mexico has regarding its perceived concerns to the United States. As many Mexicans migrate to the United States because of cartel violence, among other socioeconomic issues, activists can persuade American legislators to support interstate security measures by providing personal accounts (De la Rosa Rodríguez 2022). This builds a sense of emotional connection and reason to help Mexico out to an extent that does not impede on Mexican sovereignty. Interpersonal connections and relationships are sometimes all that is needed to extend a hand or a cause for empathy (Levitt & Glick Schiller 2004). 

An Uncertain World

There is an ongoing shift in global dynamics that is evidently making all countries in the world wonder how they are going to navigate turbulent times. Massive regional wars, inflation, supply chain disruptions, and political instability have all affected countries in various ways. Mexico, amid the growing crises brewing across the globe, has become a very important player as a stabilizing force (Domínguez & Fernández de Castro 2023). Mexico has seen this opportunity and has chosen to pursue this position without hesitation.

Mexico’s Role in International Crises

When examining interstate politics, rival states have an exhaustive list of punitive or escalatory methods that can be used should negotiations fail. These tools should be used wisely, as eventually, there will be an exhaustion of diplomatic leverage that countries possess to bring about an aggressor state to a ceasefire or negotiation (Art 2003). This includes trade barriers via tariffs, sanctions, and/or severing of diplomatic ties. This coercion forces a state into isolation, as seen with Russia, Iran, and North Korea (Nephew 2017). However, these coercive tactics eventually lose leverage as there is no more punitive measure that can be introduced short of military attacks.

It is this very theory from which countries like North Korea and Russia commit to their actions. What other diplomatic tool can the United States and its allies introduce that will bring them to the table if they are willing to endure diplomatic and economic isolation? If anything, coercive tactics may reinforce rogue state calculations in retrenching their positions. This explains why those two states, alongside other countries like Iran pursue their interests despite the heavy drawbacks they would endure. 

This is where Mexico diverges from the United States  and other countries. The Estrada Doctrine allows Mexico to maintain a principled stance by condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, but that same doctrine is used by Mexico to advocate for continued diplomatic channeling. Mexico argues that keeping Russia in international channels like the Human Rights Council and tabling a talk between Russian and Ukrainians can build confidence between both warring parties (Serrano 2022). Instead of seeing war as a binary struggle, Mexico maintains an inclusive position while upholding international rule of law. On the matter of the other major global war, Mexico has moved to not take a stance on the Israel-Palestine War. Mexico has instead offered to host ceasefire talks, establish humanitarian aid channels in Gaza to enforce human rights and establish longing peace talks (Ramírez Cuevas 2023). In both instances, American mediation can be argued to prolong both wars, as the United States  is not an impartial party to either war. Because of this, both Russia and Hamas do not have strong confidence that the United States would mediate a lasting peace in a balanced matter. Mexico’s continued promotion for de-escalation while recognizing sovereignty makes the country a popular candidate that is best suited to host ceasefire talks to both wars (Heine 2021). By rejecting blanket measures that are punitive, Mexico is able to leverage its neutrality to encourage mediation and stabilize relations. 

Checking American Power

One of the drawbacks Mexico suffers is its interdependence to American foreign policy and success, or lack thereof. Any hits or radical shifts that come out of Washington D.C. can negatively affect Mexico’s economy far more in terms of relativity to Mexican affairs affecting the U.S. economy negatively (Gallagher 2020). However, assertive strategic partners of the United States indicate that a cooperative orientation in American foreign policy is necessary to maintain the current economic benefits the U.S currently enjoys in US-Mexican trade.

A recent example of this was the threat of tariffs and immigration restriction policies between the United States and Mexico that took place between February and April 2025. Mexico took a firm stance against tariffs and threatened to retaliate with their own, unwilling to blindly follow American policies. Mexico increased support for detainees and returnees alike by activating emergency legal aid and support within Mexican consulates across the US. To demonstrate goodwill, Mexico was willing to cooperate with intelligence sharing to monitor cartel activity along the border, contributing to a drop in unauthorized US border crossing in the process (García 2025). Mexico was also collaborative in increasing American imports and revising areas of mutual trade. This influenced Canada to also retaliate against American policy if it were targeted, demonstrating that Washington D.C. needed good faith interactions with its neighbors if it wanted to accomplish select goals in a friendly manner. As cartels are mostly an issue to Mexico, any overstretch of American military or intelligence operations are perceived as a breach of sovereignty. Mexico has requested aid to the extent that it allows autonomy over its own internal affairs, and the United States  has come to recognize and support that desire over time.

From a nuanced perspective, it also reveals Mexican commitments to humanitarian rights and democratic norms. By showing the contrasts as to how the United States uses extrajudicial methods of securing its border and treatment of migrants, the levels of democracy can literally be seen from its actions on the border. This may not be a directly linked issue, but tying the treatment of migration and border security to the measurement of American democracy reveals the rate at which the United States is acting aggressively to its partners. In the context of geopolitics, the United States must balance a sound migration policy if it wishes to maintain hemispheric and international attractiveness for labor, educational, and technological purposes. The Mexican government’s considerations for upholding international law shows key areas where the United States  must improve, providing a subtle but important relationship feedback.

This is also powerful because Mexico is necessary to uphold American hegemony in economic competition. After COVID-19 revealed weaknesses in the global supply chains (particularly in China and East Asia), nearshoring has emerged as an alternative to offshoring. Offshoring was common as it allowed companies to expand manufacturing companies into less developed states that had cheaper labor (Gereffi 2020). In the long run, companies enjoyed the ability to move manufacturing to lower cost areas, increasing profit margins in the process. However, the pandemic revealed how volatile supply chains are. Not only did logistical issues arise from supply shortages, but the geopolitical dimensions of the Sino-American competition increased tariffs between both countries across the Biden and Trump administrations. 

Nearshoring became attractive as it established supply chains in neighboring countries had lower costs associated with manufacturing. This is where Mexico comes in. Mexico’s cheap labor and relatively high skilled workforce gained investment from East Asian and American companies that were seeking advantageous trade to the United States (Blyde & Molina 2021). This explains Mexico’s sharp increase in vehicle and electronic production to the United States . Not only is it cheaper to produce infrastructure and hire labor in a country so close to you, but it is geopolitically smart to void your competitors from these two factors. This means that despite any frictions in the interstate relationship, Mexico will always be relevant to the biggest economy in the world. And this is why many Asian and American companies have moved away from China towards Mexico. 

Mexico has sought other trading partners to have leverage against the United States  and diversify its growing economy. Mexico has free trade agreements with the United Kingdom, Japan, and the European Union (Villareal 2022). This points to Mexico’s silent ability to shift partners exports should the United States pursue maximum pressure. When viewing Mexico as an export-driven country, it is imperative to view U.S.-Mexican trade as a matter of American competition in keeping Mexico as a mutually beneficial partner. Therefore, Mexican labor in both its migratory and domestic workforce are a competitive asset that secures Mexican autonomy in international affairs. When paired with Mexico’s alternative form of conflict-resolution to the US, Mexico’s status is amplified on the world stage in a strategic balancing act.

 This was followed by other countries around the world to be willing to check American influence as well, including but not limited to the European Union , China, Japan, and South Korea in trade and security matters. Mexico’s stance affirms its foreign policy and commitment to diplomatic de-escalation while showing its commitment to sovereignty and advancing independent national interests. 

International Rule of Law

In a world where all the major powers are often breaking international norms and creating instability, Mexico’s status as a middle power serves as a credible model for the rest of the global south. China’s encroachment in Filipino islands, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and the United States’s cut of international aid all have played a role in casting doubt in international institutions. It is concerning global periods like this where having a balanced foreign policy shines through. 

In so far as embedding international norms to a country, Mexico is a uniquely cooperative country. An amendment to the Mexican constitution in 1992 binds international treaties to national judicial processes. In practice, Mexican citizens can invoke the American Convention on Human Rights in Mexican courts. The Mexican Supreme Court regularly cites international treaties to help adjudicate domestic matters (Fix-Fierro & López Ayllón 2020). This cornerstone of international law being normative in Mexico makes the population and institutions familiar with the international rule of law. Mexico’s domestic order thus mirrors its international doctrine, allowing the international community to view Mexico as a far more trusting partner than other global powers (Cossío Díaz 202). 

Mexico’s cultural influence and diaspora networks reflect Mexico’s commitments to the global rule of law. As Mexico has a long-standing tradition of mandatory voting the country is far more democratic as it legally requires its citizens to vote (Magar 2018). Considering that Mexican foreign policy has not shifted much, Mexican democratic governance can be directly linked to a continued support of Mexico’s actions abroad. Mexico’s cultural influence and diaspora networks show as extensions of Mexican support for international law. Groups of Mexican heritage in the United States  regularly lobby and support increased humanitarian standards for migrant groups and minorities within America and in other countries around the world (Délano Alonzo 2018). Mexico’s absorption of international law has turned its citizens and diaspora groups into informal but active, community-driven practitioners that respect and promote the rule of law. 

This is also seen in Mexican cultural projects. As Mexico has secured “intangible heritage” status for key traditions like Dia de Muertos and Mexican cuisine, the country equates cultural rights to human rights (UNESCO). This reinforces international protections of cultural property for indigenous and minority populations. To illustrate an example of Mexican cultural influence upholding international rule of law, I invite the reader to look at cultural centers in New York, Madrid, and Berlin. These cultural centers act as exhibitions that host public lectures on constitutionalism, human rights treaties, and due process. These centers, alongside film-and-law festivals, promote human rights enforcement through Mexican storytelling and cultural heritage in films, art, music, and clothing (González & Landa 2021). In doing so, Mexican cultural sites act as a promotion of Mexican foreign policy by being both historically insightful and informative as informal law schools. 

Allowing these cultural exchanges and programs to take place provide various visitors with the perspective of a different nation’s approach to international law and how it has influenced its citizens, diaspora, and relations with different countries around the world. Mexican cultural diplomacy acts as an insightful case study for the advocacy of interstate relations between the host and fled countries. Whereas many world leaders are currently far more concerned with geopolitical calculations, human rights and the protections of people are oftentimes ignored (Rosas & Gutiérrez 2019). The consequences of war, economic calamity and shocks to international aid are all far-reaching, and Mexican diaspora networks illustrate the importance for reminding everyone of human rights. 

Whether consciously or not, diaspora networks promote Mexican culture in a way that fuses cultural heritage with legal advocacy. The dual use of cultural narratives to advance legal and normative influence projects Mexican soft power in a way that is not coercive. Just as Mexican labor and Mexico’s geographic location solidify hemispheric ties and cooperation against competitor states, the use of culture and diaspora networks operationalize legal norms. This completes the picture painted in this section- as a middle power, Mexico reframes sovereignty and legality from being seen as traditional security topics to tangible diplomatic assets. These instruments of soft power all play into each other’s strengths too: Mexico’s domestic and migrant labor support Mexican culture and the diaspora networks defend international institutions by tying Mexico’s utility as a unique geographic entity to its value on the world stage. These interlocking dimensions are all tools of statecraft that preserve Mexico’s importance to the world in acting as a force of balance in a world that is drifting apart. 

Policy Frameworks in a Rapidly Changing World

As we have unraveled the past successes of Mexican diplomacy and how it holds up against other powers, policy analysts should consider how Mexico can help sustain a semblance of balance in a changing world. There are four areas in which challenges and opportunities have risen in the 21st century that include the following: Digital, climate, migration, and multilateral politics. This section will explore the other areas from which Mexico— and other powers — can take initiatives in refining their toolkits to balance autonomy and national interests. 

Migration Politics

1. Mexico should dramatically expand its temporary work programs to include renewable energy and cyber-related professions. This creates skill pipelines that increase Mexican labor value and US job markets alike. Expanding into new work programs keeps Mexican labor competitive and expands its pool of remittances.
2. In tandem with digital diplomacy, Mexico has an incentive to create forums that train first-gen groups in digital advocacy. Creating digital forums maintains the informal civic-embassador network Mexico enjoys outside of its borders.
3. Continued support of human rights abroad keeps Mexico credibility with its diaspora and ties international causes to that of protections surrounding migrant groups. This has molded Mexico as a consistent advocate for migrant protections across the world, rallying the entire Global South behind Mexican migrant politics in the process.

Multilateralism and Great Power Competition

1. Mexico has an opportunity to increase “middle power” dialogues and cooperation with other states to increase interoperability with other countries. Frameworks surrounding pandemic preparedness, labor laws, and increased supply chains gives Mexico further leverage against other great powers. Without abandoning its non-alignment principles, increased Mexican presence demonstrates strategic autonomy and pursuit of its national interests.
2. Mexico would be wise to substantially increase intelligence sharing and security efforts with both the US and Central America (Dockery 2024). Viewing transnational crime as an opportunity to increase regional integration, Mexican efforts directed at cracking down on cartel violence have regional and local developmental benefits. Intelligence sharing and security efforts improve Mexican arms technologies without militarizing to the same extent NATO does, keeping Mexican efforts focused on their country. Increased security efforts streamline transnational law, making it easier to coordinate responses with Central America and the US. 
3. The status quo Mexico enjoys by not aligning to any alliance continues to bring benefits to the country. Do not fix something that is not broken. 
4. Mexico can continue to increase diplomatic recommendations by offering itself as a mediator in any major Latin American or Global South disputes. As mentioned in prior sections, great powers do not have the moral authority that Mexico currently enjoys in the world stage.