The Dimming of a Democratic Hong Kong

Published by

Michelle Liou

 on 

August 25, 2021

Inquiry-driven, this article reflects personal views, aiming to enrich problem-related discourse.

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Thud, thud, thud. The cohesive sound of footsteps echoes through Tsim Sha Tsui, blending as the backdrop for loud and powerful chants. Today, Hong Kong’s famous shopping district is packed not with bustling tourists but with frustrated protestors. Defiantly holding umbrellas — a symbol of resistance — tens of thousands of Hong Kongers participate in a pro-democracy, anti-China protest. The words “No extradition to China: Withdraw Evil Bill” are seen among the crowd, objecting to a recently proposed bill that would allow extradition to mainland China — possibly threatening Hong Kong’s judicial independence.


From 2019 to 2020, a series of protests known as the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement erupted in Hong Kong. After activists successfully pressured the withdrawal of the bill, the movement persisted as a call for liberties, signaling a greater concern in Hong Kong: an eroding democracy. 


To better understand the significance of autonomy in this small region, one must go back in time. During the Qin Dynasty (3rd century B.C.), Hong Kong was incorporated into the Chinese Empire, remaining part of China for roughly 2,000 years. Then, during the Opium Wars (1842-1898), China ceded three parts of modern-day Hong Kong — Hong Kong Island, Kowloon, and New Territories — to the British Empire. Following 150 years of British control, the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984 delineated that Hong Kong will be returned to China on July 1, 1997, but will adopt the “one country, two systems” principle till at least 2047 (50 years). This arrangement is enshrined in the Basic Law, a mini-constitution protecting rights that don’t exist in mainland China such as freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. Under the Basic Law, Hong Kong is an autonomous Special Administrative Region except in foreign and defense affairs and has its independent judiciary and law-making legislative bodies. 


Despite the guarantee of these democratic privileges, Hong Kong’s autonomy has gradually been curtailed. Since the turnover, China has been reluctant to allow Hong Kong to self-govern. In 2014, the National People's Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) decided that there will only be universal suffrage for Chief Executive candidates nominated by more than half of a 1,200-person committee. However, the committee disproportionately represents business elites and organizations close to Beijing, leading Hongkongers to be displeased with the reform. 


Most notably, Beijing passed a controversial national security law in 2020, responding to the anti-extradition bill protests. Under this new law, “secession”, “subversion”, “terrorism”, and “collusion with foreign forces” can warrant life imprisonment. The national security law allows suspects to be tried under mainland law — the same measure that ignited large-scale protests in 2019. Yet, that’s not the end of Hongkongers’ worries, as the vaguely worded legislation raises concerns of discriminatory enforcement which could undermine human rights.

The central government has long labeled activities such as organizing peaceful protests, receiving donations, and criticizing the government as being directed by “foreign forces”. China also uses “subversion” charges to jail journalists, professors, and activists who dissent from the government. To put matters simply, those exercising basic freedoms are at risk of being arrested under the security law. Indeed, immediately after the bill was passed, authorities cracked down on peaceful expression; Political slogans, T-shirts, and even pieces of white paper were claimed to threaten national security. Even the local Secretary of Education said students ought not to sing songs and chant slogans that contain political messages. 


Raising parallels to a secret police force, HK and mainland officers have jailed hundreds of activists and organizers.  Jimmy Lai, a publisher at Apple Daily, Hong Kong’s sole pro-democracy newspaper, was arrested with four other executives in a police raid last August. In June 2021, 500 police officers once again raided Apple Daily’s headquarters. Along with detaining the chief editor, law enforcement froze HK$18m ($2.3m) of the paper’s assets over accusations of breaching the security law. This operation effectively shut down the company; Stripped from its funds, Apple Daily could not pay its staff or continue its daily operations. Up till now, the National Security Law has been eagerly wielded as a weapon against the media, legitimate businesses, and ordinary citizens.  


In March 2021, China further tightened its hold on internal political affairs, enacting new electoral rules under which committees can exclude from the political process those deemed disloyal to the Chinese Communist Party. To add to the draconian measures, HK schools were ordered to indoctrinate children to love the National Security law and the mainland, while art museums must now stow away politically offensive art. 

 

Hong Kong’s circumstance is chillingly dystopian, but why is Beijing applying such intense and sudden pressure on the city despite the soon-to-come expiration date of “one country, two systems”? Considering that China is a single-party state that strives for ideological and political control, it’s not a surprise that the mainland would desire the same degree of authority in Hong Kong. As mentioned previously, China has always been against the idea of full-fledged democracy in Hong Kong and has extended its influence throughout the decades through soft electoral reforms. Recently though, Hong Kong’s calls for self-government in the 2019 protests threatened China’s authority and territorial integrity, as any compromise on political reform could set a precedent for other autonomous or special regions inland. Therefore, the National Security Law and China’s continuous crackdown could not only be seen as an extension of an age-old policy but also a way to stifle short-term pro-democracy sentiments arising from the 2019 demonstrations. 


Outside of Hong Kong, China’s attack on democracy was not without condemnation. Democracies such as the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, Germany, and Taiwan denounced the National Security Law. President Biden also voiced his disapproval over Hong Kong’s political situation, asserting that “repression by Beijing” caused the collapse of Apple Daily News.


Regardless of the international reproof of China’s actions, Beijing has shown no signs of backing down and has openly retaliated against its critics. With their own government and police evidently siding with China, Hongkongers seem to be left to fend for themselves in the midst of intense subjugation. Many locals are fleeing to Britain and the US, hoping to find refuge from China’s tightening hold. Many more remain in the city, yet their voices are notably quelled as activists have been disappearing one by one. Many still pray for a glimpse of hope, for the return of a glowing democracy. Nevertheless, even for the most optimistic, a restoration of the Hong Kong the world once knew seems like an unattainable dream.

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Michelle Liou

Senior Vice President, Policy

Michelle Liou is currently a student at UCLA, studying Business Economics and Statistics. She hopes to attend law school in the future, and seeks to develop her interest in policy making, leadership, and business.

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