The foundational principles of democratic governance, peaceful transition of power, competitive elections, robust central protections for the rights of people are often illusive in regimes that construct facades of institutionalized democratic freedom. The preservation of such components is often an impossibility in struggling states with juvenile governments established during a period of colonization , placing a metaphorical handcuff on the democratization process. This concept of colonial mistreatment and inability to prepare exploited colonies for post intervention life is exemplified through the government of Uganda. The inability to gather undisputed consensus from supposed democratic elections, the abuse of power from governmental officials, and the devalument of the common citizen are all anti democratic institutions which work to ensure Uganda's failure as an effective state.

To understand the current state of Uganda it is crucial to contextualize its political history. After gaining independence from British Colonial rule in 1962, Ugandans participated in democratic elections that put into power two major political figures, Prime Minister Obote and President Mutesa III. However, this apparent immediate success was quickly followed by an almost 60 year period of harsh political violence and competition including military usurptation, use of force, assassination attempts, exiles of legitimate poltical leaders, and unilateral constitutional changes that instituted lifetime presidential appointments, all of which resulted in a presumed 300,000 deaths in the first 15 years of independence (1). These periods of conflict, often followed by brief peaceful intervals of time, consistently worked to undermine any effort at democratic institutionalization. However, the important question to address is the reasons for the authoritarian persistence in Uganda and the methods to resolve such issues. 

Earlier this year, a legitimate election was held to elect a new term for president of Uganda. The National Platform for Unity presented Bobi Wine, a well known Reggae singer, as opposition to the party and leader who has ruled Uganda for 34 years, the National Resistance Movement led by Yoweri Museveni (2). The important factor to consider in this election cycle is the precedence of Museveni’s action in the political sphere. As a military leader, he first came to acquire presidency through high popularity after his military resistance overthrew a dictatorial bureaucracy. However, his habits of harsh, responsive military action were mirrored in his work as president, which means his 34 year career as president was rife with abuse of power for personal political motives. This habit has extended to this 6th election term in which his administration has worked to systematically disadvantage Bobi Wine and criminalize opposition to his rule. According to records by the National Unity Platform, some 450 people, many of whom are supporters of Bobi Wine, have mysteriously disappeared since the reelection of Museveni, and that number is likely higher than records show(3). The Musevini regime claims the number of missing people to be significantly lower, but it does not dispute the cases of missing persons post election. In addition to this clear violation of human rights, Musevini has had Bobi Wine arrested multiple times, including a post election house arrest in which armed Ugandan Military police forced Wine and his family to stay indoors while election disputes were discussed (4). This is only one example of Museveni and his regime’s continuous abuse of their constitutionally granted use of force and political authority. 

As if the blatant governmental corruption could not become more severe, the entire election and voting process lacks transparency. With state-wide voter turnouts of approximately 57% of the total population, Museveni, by state records, gathered ~58% with Bobi Wine in a far second at ~35% (5). These election results however are internationally viewed as a poor reflection of voter response due to a multitude of violations on behalf of the Museveni administration. After the election, Bobi Wine openly disputed the results, citing prolific voter intimidation, tampering of voter records resulting in some voting locations unusually having 100% turnout, blatant disregard for international review of the process, and most revealingly, a suspension of all forms of media and internet during the election. With all of these factors in mind, supporters of Bobi Wine took to the streets demanding a review of the results and an overturning of the results in favor of Bobi Wine. Supporters in protest were met with harsh political and military presence, resulting in a total of over 50 deaths during protests both before and after the election (6). The violations are clearly indicative of a leader in refusal to yield power to another and demonstrate that the presence of elections has not guaranteed Ugandans a consolidated democratic bureaucracy. With international condemnation of the human rights abuses and election mishandling in Uganda, the situation has received a  relatively large degree of attention, but not enough to impact the process of governance and divert resources to democratic transition (7). 

The scene in Uganda is not an anomaly, especially within Africa. Before European infiltration, African nations had distinct governmental institutions, and colonization only served to eliminate political stability that had existed in a less than Westaphalian methodology. The ideas of statehood imposed by the West onto colonies served to disestablish any political progress achieved before colonial takeover. Partnered with material exploitation, colonization was a plan that ensured, in most cases, persistant political insecurity. Although colonization cannot be entirely to blame for the political mishapeness, the impacts of exploitative practices and the implementation of new, disruptive political systems heavily influenced these outcomes . Brand new states coerced into a new political system required guidance and practice, neither of which existed in an efficient manner. 

Where does the international political arena progress from this point? How can the effects of colonization be dampened and in what ways can the international community continue to support newly founded states? In many ways, the United Nations must serve as a mediator of the political process. Newly established states, once given membership, should be appointed transparency ambassadors that strictly advise an inaugural administration on political affairs and support the country through a government building period. Although the yielding of some sovereignty to the United Nations at the inception of a government may help to guide a state and the possibility of corruption, there must be limitations of the extent to which the UN controls the processes of a newly formed statehood. Although the United Nations is in no way a perfect entity, the support from former and current colonial powers in both a financial and governmental aspect would greatly aid the institution in being able to provide for the citizens of newly instituted sovereign nations. 

Ultimately, the most important responsibility is ensuring global political transparency, connectivity, and awareness. All people are born into a contractual obligation to stay informed and aware of events occurring not only in their own sphere, but the spheres of others too. Those in the United States must make the conscious effort to learn about the conditions of others worldwide, and the same is said for those who live in India, the Maldives, Brunei, and every other nation of the world. Reading this paper is just one small step in paving a positive way forward. Learning new information and staying globally aware is an essential component to effective states. Staying active in international political affairs is a valuable component in the arsenal of citizens of an increasing global world. The only way the world moves forward in combatting gross abuses of power worldwide is if people not directly under oppressive conditions recognize the existence of the threat and actively seek to educate themselves.

Works Cited

https://uca.edu/politicalscience/dadm-project/sub-saharan-africa-region/uganda-1962-present/

https://www.theguardian.com/news/audio/2021/jan/14/bobi-wine-the-reggae-singer-vying-to-be-ugandas-next-president

https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/03/31/uganda-bobi-wine-museveni-opposition-protests/

https://www.africanews.com/2021/01/16/uganda-s-president-yoweri-museveni-re-elected-for-sixth-term//

https://www.pri.org/stories/2021-03-17/conversation-bobi-wine-ugandan-opposition-leader

https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uganda-election/u-s-cancels-its-observation-of-ugandas-presidential-election-idUSKBN29I1C0

https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/01/21/uganda-elections-marred-violence#